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KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, May 6 2025 (IPS) - US President Donald Trump has deliberately sown discord worldwide in attempting to remake the world to serve supposed American interests better. He will not cede influence, let alone power and control, to other nations, let alone people.


Mar-a-Lago Accord

His chief economic adviser, Stephen Miran, has offered some rationale for Trump’s tariffs besides promoting his ‘Mar-a-Lago Accord’ plan for US imperial revival. But even if most governments comply, the US deficits dilemma will not be resolved.


For Miran, Trump is reshaping the US-led unipolar world more equitably by getting others to bear more of the costs of ‘global public goods’ that the US ostensibly provides.

As geopolitical economist Ben Norton has noted, the US spends trillions on its global empire, with around 800 military bases abroad! While influential US corporate interests have benefited most, others have also gained.

The US contributed to the Global North’s reconstruction boom after World War II (WW2). After pre-empting growing Soviet influence from the last year of WW2, the US enhanced its hegemony by strengthening allies during the first Cold War.

However, Miran complains it is too “costly” to maintain the post-Cold War unipolar order without others bearing their “fair share” of the US costs of providing a “global security umbrella” and international dollar liquidity.


1985 Plaza Accord

In the 1980s, many complained about how Japan and Germany, which had lost WW2, had benefited from imposed military spending constraints and US occupation to gain industrial leadership worldwide.


At its second meeting at New York’s Plaza Hotel, the US-led Group of Five (G5), of the largest Western economies, agreed that the yen and Deutschemark should greatly appreciate against the US dollar.


This would ensure US recovery from its slowdown following dollar strengthening due to the Fed’s high-interest rate policy to quell inflation after the second oil price hike.


As the yen appreciated, Japan’s 1989 ‘Big Bang’ financial reforms sealed its fate. Its asset price bubble burst, also ending the post-war Japanese miracle boom.


Miran acknowledges US dollar “overvaluation has weighed heavily on the American manufacturing sector while benefiting financialised sectors of the economy in manners that benefit wealthy Americans”.


From Plaza to Mar-a-Lago

Unlike Plaza, Miran’s proposed Mar-a-Lago Accord, named for Trump’s private Florida retreat, will be imposed on all, especially allies in the Global North.


The Global North must improve the US trade balance by deterring imports and increasing exports by letting the dollar depreciate. Allies have been threatened with tariffs and unilateral withdrawal of the US security umbrella.


Miran’s proposal also envisions foreign governments holding 100-year US Treasury bonds. This should transfer long-term losses due to inflation to bondholders abroad.


He also wants a US sovereign wealth fund financed by revaluing US gold reserves to market prices. Meanwhile, his proposed cryptocurrency stabilisation fund already threatens to disrupt international finance.


His plan claims to reduce US trade deficits and bring back good jobs. Miran expects it will significantly shrink the US current account and fiscal deficits without requiring more tax revenue or spending cuts.


Weaker dollar not enough

Jenny Gordon has challenged Miran’s argument. She reasons that his plan is unrealisable without significantly shifting US resources from non-tradables to tradables.


Manufacturing investments needed to substitute imports and increase exports have to be financed. But the US has been a net borrower for almost half a century!


Its current account deficit reflects these savings-investment imbalances. The US would have to cut its capital account surplus by borrowing much less from others to reduce its current account deficit.


Making manufacturing more competitive requires a weaker dollar and new investment. The US must encourage Americans to save more, consume less, divert investment from elsewhere, and cut its fiscal deficit.


Otherwise, foreign borrowings financing manufacturing investments will strengthen the US dollar. Worse, a weaker greenback is needed to boost US competitiveness.


Miran may prevail

Even if US manufacturing recovers, well-paid jobs in depressed areas remain unlikely. Besides ageing, changing technology, consumption, and incomes have adversely affected prospects for reviving US manufacturing.


Government spending cuts have hurt state-sponsored research, which enabled the US to lead technological innovation worldwide until early this century.


Miran’s proposed forced conversion of US Treasury bonds held in official reserves to ‘century bonds’ will reduce confidence in the dollar and its liquidity value.


Besides lowering US borrowing costs, it would undermine the deep secondary market for US T-bills and dollar-denominated trade and financial flows—all key to dollar privilege.


The dollar’s status as a reserve currency has enabled the US to maintain massive fiscal deficits without high interest rates or the threat of currency collapse. But it has also constrained US economic options, favouring finance and other modern services.


Trump does not want to lose the dollar’s status as a reserve currency. His threat to the BRICS suggests likely harsh retaliation against efforts to reduce reliance on the US dollar.


The dollar’s status in international finance also enables the US to threaten others credibly. However, Trump’s treatment of allies reminds us that compliance does not ensure stability.


Miran presumes that trade and investment partner countries will do as he wants. While few may agree to his proposal, which will not work, not many may stand up to Trump. Worse, some are already giving lip service to the proposal.


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KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Apr 22 2025 (IPS) - Donald Trump’s top economic advisor claims the President has weaponised tariffs to ‘persuade’ other nations to pay the US to maintain its supposedly mutually beneficial global empire.


Geopolitical economist Ben Norton was among the first to highlight the significance of Trump’s Council of Economic Advisers chairman Stephen Miran’s briefing at the Hudson Institute.


The Institute is funded by financiers such as media czar Rupert Murdoch, who controls Fox News, The Wall Street Journal, and other conservative media.

Miran made his case just after Trump’s electoral victory in A User’s Guide to Restructuring the Global Trading System. Miran attempts to rationalise Trump’s economic policies, which are widely seen as at odds with conventional wisdom and reason.

Enhancing US dominance

Miran defends Trump’s tariffs as part of an ambitious economic strategy to strengthen US interests internationally with a “generational change in the international trade and financial systems”.

“Our military and financial dominance cannot be taken for granted, and the Trump administration is determined to preserve them”. Miran claims the US provides two major ‘global public goods’, both “costly to us to provide”.

First, Miran claims US military spending provides the world a ‘security umbrella’ that others should also pay for. Second, the US issues the dollar and Treasury bonds, the main reserve assets for the liquidity of the international monetary and financial system.


Miran seems blissfully unaware of longstanding complaints of US ‘exorbitant privilege’. The dollar’s reserve currency status has provided seigniorage income to the US while Treasury bond sales have long financed US debt at very low cost.


Miran’s case for Trump

The White House has threatened others with high tariffs unless they make concessions, at their own expense, benefiting the US. Miran’s defence of tariffs is indirect, as part of an ostensible grand strategy.


“The President has been clear that the United States is committed to remaining the reserve [currency] provider”, Miran added. He claims US dollar hegemony is “great” and denies “dollar dominance is a problem”.


While this “has some side effects, which can be problematic”, Miran “would like to … ameliorate the side effects, so that dollar dominance can continue for decades, in perpetuity”.


For Miran, these side effects are supposedly largely adverse while ignoring the benefits to the US. Chronic US trade deficits have been possible and financed by mounting US debt, enabling the dollar to serve as a global reserve currency.


Hence, US trade deficits have been sustained since the 1960s, rather than “unsustainable”, as he alleges. US manufacturing has been “decimated” by its consumers and transnational corporations, not by an extensive foreign conspiracy.


Miran’s Guide acknowledged the ‘Triffin dilemma’. In 1960, Robert Triffin warned that the dollar’s status as global reserve currency posed problems and risks for US monetary policy.


He invokes Triffin to argue that the US must import more than it exports to provide liquidity to the world, which needs dollars for international trade and to hold as reserves.


Miran adopts the Trumpian narrative of only blaming others. However, the US expected to benefit from continuing trade surpluses at Bretton Woods. In 1944, it opposed alternative payments arrangements to deter excessive trade surpluses.


US trade deficits have grown since the 1960s with post-World War II reconstruction of the Global North and uneven ‘late industrialisation’ in the Global South.


The empire must pay

The Trump administration wants to eat its cake and still have it. It intends to strengthen US empire while minimising adverse side effects and costs.


Miran wants foreign nations to “pay their fair share” in five ways. First, “countries should accept tariffs on their exports to the US without retaliation”. Tariffs provide revenue, which has financed its global public goods provision. Second, they should buy “more US-made goods”.


Third, they should “boost defense spending and procurement from the US”. Fourth, they should “invest in and install factories in America”. Fifth, they should “simply … help us finance global public goods”, i.e., foreign aid should go to or via the US.


Miran then emphasises that Trump “will no longer stand for other nations free-riding”, and calls for “improved burden-sharing at the global level”.


“If other nations want to benefit from the US geopolitical and financial umbrella, then they need to … pay their fair share”, i.e., the world must “bear the costs” of maintaining US empire.


Trump dilemmas 2.0

Trump wants to use tariffs to force countries with trade surpluses with the US to buy more from the US. Ending these deficits would undermine dollar hegemony, which, paradoxically, Trump obsessively wants to preserve.


Miran wants other countries to convert their US Treasury bills into 100-year bonds at very low interest rates, effectively subsidising the US over the long term. He also wants nations running trade surpluses with the US to buy more long-term US Treasury securities.


Trump has threatened 100% tariffs on BRICS members and all countries promoting de-dollarisation or undermining dollar hegemony in the international monetary system.


During his first term, Trump wanted to do the near-impossible by boosting exports while preserving a strong dollar!

Miran acknowledges that the “root of the economic imbalances lies in persistent dollar overvaluation that prevents international trade balancing”. But he also insists that dollar “overvaluation is driven by inelastic demand for reserve assets”.


Trump now hopes to kill both US trade and fiscal deficit birds by cutting imports and raising revenue with higher tariffs. He also wants the world to continue using dollars despite the US budget and trade deficits and policy uncertainties.


Meanwhile, official US debt, financed by selling Treasury bonds, continues to grow. Trump has to deliver his promised tax cuts soon before his earlier measures run out. Trump is falling foul of his bluster and may have to revert to the status quo ante while denying it.


Despite Miran’s best efforts, he cannot provide a coherent rationale for Trump’s rhetoric. But dismissing Trump as ‘mad’ or ‘stupid’ obscures the impossible dilemma due to and obscured by post-war US dominance.


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KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Apr 15 2025 (IPS) - US President Donald Trump has again seized global attention by arbitrarily imposing sweeping tariffs on the rest of the world. He reminds us America is still boss, claiming to ‘make America great again’ (MAGA) by ensuring ‘America first’ at everyone else’s expense.


Liberation Day?

His April 2 Liberation Day announcement triggered wild speculation over his proposal’s final form, implications, significance, and likely impacts, not only for the near future but also well beyond.


Since then, the world has been scrambling to understand better the president’s intentions to protect their interests. This has also triggered much talk about managing adjustment and enhancing resilience.

Shocked by his unilateral abandonment of the revised free trade agreement renegotiated during Trump 1.0, its North American neighbours were the first to engage publicly.

More recently, China’s ironically reciprocal response gave Trump another excuse for more punitively escalating his ‘reciprocal tariffs’. With little left to lose even before Trump’s latest tariffs against China, it said No to the Orange Emperor, switching the impact from manufacturing to agriculture.

Only major economies dare to retaliate. However, due to its geopolitics, including Trump’s demands for more ‘equitable’ NATO cost-sharing, an appropriately strong European response seems unlikely.

Many prioritise the Western alliance, while a few prefer other options. Sensing the ‘silence of the lambs’, the president has gloated over the steady stream of foreign leaders coming to ‘kiss my arse’.


Trump’s tariff fetish

The tariff announcement was not set in stone. It remains to be seen how much Trump’s support base, especially from the US corporate elite, will succeed in revising his measures.


He is unlikely to respond positively to opposition from abroad or even within the US. The tariffs will be tied up in legal and legislative procedures for some time, even after they go into effect.


The dissent of some Senate Republicans suggests the US Congress may reject the tariffs as a significant infringement on their Constitutional prerogatives.


Announced as executive orders, they are subject to judicial scrutiny. Of course, the White House will have to reconsider which battles to fight and which to concede without appearing to do so.


A face-saving compromise between the Republican-controlled Congress and the White House is increasingly likely. Attention can thus be diverted abroad to preferred targets such as China and Iran.


Some other countries, especially the BRICS, may also be hit to ‘save face’. The president can then claim he tried his best to MAGA but was foiled by foreign-connected opponents.


While Trump critics are making much of his subsequent revisions, concessions, amendments and postponements, the greater significance of his announcement lies elsewhere.


Divided we fall

Trump 2.0 will dictate the terms of US engagement with the world. He has already reminded everyone he is The Great Disruptor. Dismissing cooperation as for losers, his team’s purpose is to put others down.


Trump has subverted the World Trade Organization and all US-negotiated trade agreements except when it best serves its interests. He has given notice of selectively invoking multilateralism and the rule of law to serve his preferred interests best.


Although all European countries will be affected by Trump’s tariffs, each will be hit differently. Hence, developing a strong, unified European position will be difficult. This will deter other regional and plurilateral groupings from collective action.


In one stroke, Trump reminded the world that America remains number one and that he means business. Critics overlook his purpose and strategy by dismissing his methods and tactics as transactional, stupid or irrational.


Method to the madness?

Trump’s Council of Economic Advisors chairman, Stephen Miran, has offered an economic rationale for Trumponomics 2.0. He argues the world must pay for the ‘global public goods’ the US ostensibly provides, especially US military spending.


He also insists the US is doing the world a favour by allowing the US dollar to serve as the world’s reserve currency. He ignores how it earns seigniorage and the ‘exorbitant privilege’ of being able to issue debt to the rest of the world without having to repay.


His so-called Mar-a-Lago Accord purports to offer more financial stability through US dollar currency pegs and related digital currency arrangements, requiring payment flows to the US Treasury and Federal Reserve.


Trump has promised even more regressive tax reforms for the super-rich who generously funded his re-election campaign. As before, this will be obscured by some tax relief for the ‘middle class’.


The shift from potentially progressive direct taxation to more indirect taxation has already begun, with the proposed tariffs impacting purchases of merchandise imports.


Industrial policy redux?

Tariffs cannot simply restart long-abandoned production overnight. Earlier manufacturing jobs were lost to imports and the automation of production processes.


Reviving abandoned productive capacities and capabilities will mainly create poor jobs. ‘Fortress USA will attract some investments, mainly for the limited US market, but it cannot transform itself into the world’s manufacturing powerhouse it once was.


Recent reshoring efforts have proved embarrassingly unsuccessful. This has been evident with the difficulties of the forced relocation of the world’s leading (Taiwanese) semiconductor manufacturer to the US.


Trump’s turn to industrial policy is more backward-looking than progressive. It seeks to save uncompetitive old capacities rather than advance potentially competitive new investments, technology, productive capacities, and capabilities.


Also, investment and technology promotion need supportive policies, especially in human resources, research, and development, which are increasingly undermined by Musk-led government spending cuts.


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Available online here: Trump's 'Shock and Awe' Tariffs

 
 

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About Jomo

Jomo Kwame Sundaram is Research Adviser, Khazanah Research Institute, Fellow, Academy of Science, Malaysia, and Emeritus Professor, University of Malaya. Previously, he was UN Assistant Secretary-General for Economic Development, Assistant Director General, Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), Founder-Chair, International Development Economics Associates (IDEAs) and President, Malaysian Social Science Association. 

In The Media

TheStar 26 June 2020

TheStar 26 June 2020

The Star 20 Sept 2019

The Star 20 Sept 2019

Political will needed to push for renewable energy

The Star 10July 2019

The Star 10July 2019

Malaysian businesses need boost

The Star 9 Oct 2019

The Star 9 Oct 2019

Subsidise public transport for bottom 40%

The Edge 26 Sept 2019

The Edge 26 Sept 2019

Call for measures to counteract global headwinds

The Edge 9 Oct 2019

The Edge 9 Oct 2019

Subsidise public transportation, not fuel

The Star 8 Oct 2019

The Star 8 Oct 2019

Subsidise public transportation for bottom 70%

TheEdge 2Oct 2019

TheEdge 2Oct 2019

"We need to counteract downward forces"

Fake News

PLEASE BEWARE OF MISREPRESENTATIONS OF IMAGES OF JOMO

Commercial and political misrepresentation of his image attributing to him to things which he never said or misrepresenting things he may have said is being circulated on websites such as those posted here. 


You should also be warned, in case you are not already aware, of ‘click bait’ i.e. using such images simply to attract your interest, and then to download your online information for abuse for a variety of ends.

Please inform us and provide a screenshot and weblink to enable further action, which is incredibly difficult. 

Thank you for reading this and for your help and cooperation.

This has also been flagged on his official Facebook page

 

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